On the one hand, this identifies something real. There is a narrow consensus, which sharply defines the things that can or cannot be spoken of by Serious People. Coercion is of course, an important element of how the system survives. But the language here suggests a seamlessness, and a level of shared intention and planning on the part of the “rulers of the world” who have “constructed” and “designed” this system that seems to me implausible. Many of the most important features of modern capitalism have less to do with conscious coordination than with unconscious synchrony. Graeber, it seems to me, radically overestimates the extent to which monetary systems and debt arrangements are the product of conscious design. Furthermore, his apparent contention that the system rests on people’s fears, despair, and desire for conformity systematically ignores the possibility that many people like monetized relations, and that sometimes they have good reason to prefer them over the more embedded forms of interaction that Graeber thinks are preferable.
Henry Farrell, as part of a symposium reviewing David Graeber’s new book Debt: The First 5,000 Years. Bertram is right, and his analysis flies in the face of another participant in the symposium, Malcolm Harris, a smart young anarchist who believes The Revolution will come in the next 2 to 10 years. I think Harris is not alone in his optimism, but this strand of the left faces a simple problem – what does it mean to overthrow capitalism? Did capitalism “overthrow” feudalism? How can we smash and replace wholesale a web of uncoordinated social relationships that now span the globe?
To be aware that capitalism is largely uncoordinated and highly complex, with supporters up and down the chain of the hierarchy, is not to surrender to its inevitability or even suggest that gradual reform is the only answer. Sometimes capitalism did smash feudalism: nouveau riche mercantile interests jockeyed with landed aristocrats for power in politics and in bloody civil wars, and early modern European states “opened markets” in the Third World at gunpoint. But this isn’t the whole story: the rise of finance, joint-stock corporations, wage labor, and an exchange-dominant economy is also a story about changes in social and economic relationships growing in the interstices of the old order. Cities increasingly became sites of long-distance trade, and the finance institutions that necessarily accompanied them; manufacture emerged first in the home, and then in factories; laws and political formations changed to accomodate atomized citizen-workers rather than class-bound peasants, artisans and gentry.
All this is simply to state that leftists who envision the possibility of a better world must do more than agitate for the overthrow of the state. We must build, as well.
In 1820-1850 our courts felt in general a freedom and duty to move in the manner typified in our thought by Mansfield and Marshall. “Precedent” guided, but “principle” controlled; and nothing was good “Principle” which did not look like wisdom-in-result for the welfare of All-of-us. In 1880-1910, on the other hand, our courts felt in general a prime duty to order within the law and a duty to resist any “outside” influence. “Precedent” was to conrol, not merely to guide; “Principle” was to be tested by whether it made for order in the law, not by whether it made widom-in-result.
[I]t is plaint to see that the two earlier period-styles represent also two eternal types of human being. There is the man who loves creativeness, who can without loss of sleep combine risk-taking with responsibility, who sees and feels institutions as things built and to be built to serve functions, and who sees the functions as vital and law as a tool to be eternally reoriented to justice and to general welfare. There is the other man who loves order, who finds risk uncomfortable and has seen so much irresponsible or unwise innovation that responsibility to him means caution.
Karl Llewellyn, Remarks on the Theory of Appellate Decision
We must continue to resist, but do so now with the discomforting realization that significant change will probably never occur in our lifetime. This makes resistance harder. It shifts resistance from the tangible and the immediate to the amorphous and the indeterminate. But to give up acts of resistance is spiritual and intellectual death. It is to surrender to the dehumanizing ideology of totalitarian capitalism. Acts of resistance keep alive another narrative, sustain our integrity and empower others, who we may never meet, to stand up and carry the flame we pass to them. No act of resistance is useless, whether it is refusing to pay taxes, fighting for a Tobin tax, working to shift the neoclassical economics paradigm, revoking a corporate charter, holding global internet votes or using Twitter to catalyze a chain reaction of refusal against the neoliberal order. But we will have to resist and then find the faith that resistance is worthwhile, for we will not immediately alter the awful configuration of power.
– Chris Hedges, Zero Point of Systemic Collapse